home Online services The founder of the outstanding politician of the French Revolution. The French Revolution. Political trends of the French Revolution. Creation of the Constituent Assembly

The founder of the outstanding politician of the French Revolution. The French Revolution. Political trends of the French Revolution. Creation of the Constituent Assembly

“The only legitimate aim of any political

association is a common happiness. Whatever

were the claims of those in power, any consideration

must yield to this supreme law.”

Jean Paul Marat

"Truth and justice are the only things I

I worship on earth."

From the newspaper "Friend of the People" 1789

Today, many peoples are still only dreaming of sovereignty, of a state governed by the rule of law, of democratic human and civil rights, of personal and public freedoms, of the kingdom of reason and justice. All these sacred principles were put forward by the Great French Revolution. For the sake of all this, immortal friends, the Montagnards, lived, suffered, fought and died. One of them was Marat, he was inspired by the noble concern for the welfare of mankind and fought to make people live better. That is why Marat became the hero of my work.

Jean Paul Marat was born on May 24, 1743 in the small town of Boudry, in the Principality of Neuchâtel in Switzerland. He received a good education in the house of his father, a fairly well-known doctor. At the age of 16 he left his father's house, lived in France, Holland, Ireland and England, studied medicine, physics and philosophy. In 1773 he published a two-volume work on physiology, A Philosophical Essay on Man, followed by a number of others. scientific works. In 1775, Marat's pamphlet "The Chains of Slavery" was published (in England), an outstanding political work directed against absolutism and the English parliamentary system and put forward the ideas of an armed uprising and an armed dictatorship. In 1776, Marat moved to Paris and settled on the street of the Old Dovecote, where he became famous for his medical practice and scientific research in physics. With the beginning of the revolution, Marat left his scientific studies, devoting himself to serving the insurgent people.

In 1789, Marat published the pamphlets "Gift to the Fatherland" and "Additions", where he developed the idea of the need to unite all social progressive forces to fight against absolutism.

Since September 1789, Marat has been publishing the newspaper Friend of the People, which has gained popularity as a fighting organ of revolutionary democracy, it was read like hot cakes. He writes in the newspaper: “I feel disgust for disorder, violence, unbridledness; but when I think

that at present there are fifteen million people in the kingdom who are ready to die from

hunger; when I think that the government, having brought them to this terrible fate, without regret leaves them to their fate ... - my heart shrinks from pain and trembles with indignation. I am aware of all the dangers to which I am exposed, ardently defending the cause of these unfortunates; but fear will not stop my pen; more than once I have given up caring about my existence for the sake of serving the fatherland, for the sake of revenge on the enemies of mankind and, if necessary, I will give my last drop of blood for them.

Marat was the first to predict the coming revolution. He believes that his duty as a Friend of the people is precisely to awaken the consciousness of the people, breathe into him faith in his own strength and raise him to fight: “Unfortunate people! .. Mourn, mourn your unfortunate fate: you its horror if you turn out to be so cowardly that you will not be able to resort to the means of salvation that you have - it is in your hands! This salvation lies in revolutionary actions, in mass actions of the people. The will of the people, backed up by the force of arms, is the leading force in the revolutionary process. The "Friend of the People" puts forward a whole program of practical revolutionary measures: "purge" of the Constituent Assembly, "purge" of the Parisian and provincial municipalities of people hostile to the revolution, the convening of popular assemblies and the nomination by the people of new, worthy representatives to a renewed National Assembly or to a new legislative body, which should replace the first and unworthy National Assembly.

On the pages of the newspaper, he consistently defends the tasks of developing the revolution, tearing off the masks from those who, under the guise of false and hypocritical phrases, sought to slow down its further progress. Marat predicted the betrayal of the revolution on the part of J. Necker, O. Mirabeau, then M. J. Lafayette and waged an uncompromising struggle against them at a time when they were still at the zenith of glory. With the same decisiveness, he later denounced the duplicity and half-heartedness of the policy of the Girondins, which led them, in the end, to positions hostile to the revolution.

Persecution by the authorities, persecution by political opponents forced Marat to leave for Great Britain in January 1799; returning in May of that year, he went into hiding and published a newspaper in the underground.

Paying predominant attention to political issues, Marat also developed the social problems of the revolution, firmly and

consistently defending the interests of the people and their poorest strata. With this, he gained immense popularity among the masses.

In 1792 Marat was elected to the Convention. He took a place at the head of the Montagnards and became the main target of the Girondin orators. In an effort to consolidate all revolutionary forces in order to defeat the interventionists, he renamed the newspaper "Friend of the People" into the "Newspaper of the French Republic", proclaiming in it a new course - forgetting party differences and uniting all forces in the name of saving the republic. However, the Girondins did not accept his proposals. In April 1793, despite the right of immunity as a deputy, Marat, by order of the Convention, which was achieved by the Girondins, was arrested and tried by the Revolutionary Tribunal; but he was acquitted and returned in triumph by the people to the Convention.

All the deputies, the entire Convention applauded Marat standing. Jean Paul Marat ascended the podium and said: “The legislators, the evidence of patriotism and the joy that broke out in this hall are a tribute to one of your brethren, whose sacred rights have been violated in my person. I was treacherously accused, the solemn sentence brought the triumph of my innocence, I bring you a pure heart, and I will continue to defend the rights of man, citizen and people with all the energy given to me by heaven. The first biographer of Marat, Alfred Bujar, wrote: “The outcome of Marat's trial turned out to be exactly the opposite of what his accusers were counting on; they wanted to kill Marat; and behold, he is greater than ever. Yesterday he was a writer, a deputy – today he has become a banner.”

Marat and M. Robespierre, who led the Jacobins, led the preparations for a popular uprising on May 31 - June 2, 1793, which overthrew the power of the Gironde. There is a version that on the night of June 1-2, he himself climbed the tower to be the first to sound the alarm, calling for an uprising. All the decisive three days Marat was in the thick of things. In the Convention, in the Commune, in the Committee of Public Safety - everywhere he interfered in the course of the struggle, gave advice to the participants in the uprising, directed their activities, demanding that the uprising be brought to complete victory. The victory of the popular uprising on May 31-June 2 was a great victory for the Mountain. It was also a great victory for Marat. Over the past two years, together with his brothers-in-arms - the Jacobins - Marat waged a cruel, merciless struggle against the Gironde, which turned into a party of counter-revolution and national treason. The French people, by their great revolutionary actions, reaffirmed that they were following

fearless party of the Jacobins and for its most beloved leader, who was called a respectful and affectionate name - the Friend of the People.

A serious illness prevented Marat from actively participating in the activities of the Convention after the establishment of the Jacobin dictatorship. On July 13, 1793, the life of a fiery revolutionary was tragically cut short: Charlotte Corday, who was associated with the Girondins, killed him with a dagger.

The legacy of the French Revolution is majestic and grandiose! It gave the world a complex of ideas of social and human progress, democracy.

The life path of Marat became an example for many generations of revolutionary fighters.

I liked Marat because he was human, he was not afraid of anyone or anything, he persistently went his own way, boldly saying that his conscience prompted him.

Korneev Andrey

Bibliography :

Encyclopedic Dictionary. Volume XVIII a . Saint Petersburg 1896

Printing house of Efron I.A. and Brockhaus F.A.

A. Manfred "Marat". Moscow, Young Guard Publishing House, 1962

Series "Life of Remarkable People"

Nick. Molchanov "Montagnari"

Moscow, Young Guard Publishing House, 1989

The socio-political system of England, the state and law of the 4th republic, the Japanese constitution.

PLAN: Big bourgeoisie in power Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen Constitution of 1791 Establishment of the Jacobin Dictatorship Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1793

Socio-economic and political situation of France in late XVII century. Economic policy. French Enlightenment, character traits. Voltaire, Rousseau, Montesquieu. Convocation of the Estates General. The laws Constituent Assembly. Taking of the Bastille.

The terror of the French Revolution found its herald on September 12, 1789, when the first issue of the newspaper Marat 1 came out.

Chronicle of the revolution. Execution of Louis XVI. Adoption of a new constitution by the Convention. Coup 9 Thermidor. Abolition of the Paris Commune. Dissolution of the Convention.

France as a state that has made a special contribution to the development of constitutional legal theory and practice. Revolution of 1789-1794, its influence on the development of French law and the formation of the constitutional order. Legislation of the first French Republic.

http://monax.ru/order/ - abstracts to order (more than 2300 authors in 450 cities of the CIS). Portrait of LOUIS XVI (Louis XVI) Bourbon (Louis August, Louis-Auguste) (August 23, 1754, Versailles - January 21, 1793, Paris), King of France in 1774-1792, Duke of Berry since 1765, grandson of Louis XV. Overthrown...

Great French bourgeois revolution. Meetings of the Estates General. Project, formation and fall of the Girondin Republic. Adoption of the French Constitution of 1791. Preparation of European monarchies for intervention against revolutionary France.

The desire of the Jacobins to expel the Girondins from the Convention and establish their own power. The establishment of the Jacobin dictatorship and the organization of power. Socio-economic transformations. Abolition of feudal duties. Creation of the people's army. Dechristianization.

Introduction The topic of my essay is "The Jacobin Dictatorship". The abstract consists of: 1.Introduction (introductory part of my abstract) 2.Main part ( research on my topic)

Constitution of 1791. The regime of constitutional monarchy. Activities of the National Legislative Assembly. The beginning of the revolutionary wars in France. The overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of a republic. Girondin rule and the struggle of the "Mountain" and the Gironde in the Convention.

Major events of 1788-1804

The evolution of French statehood from a constitutional monarchy to a republic. The French Revolution and the fall of absolutism. New system French government agencies. Revolutionary Government, Thermidorian Republic and the First Empire.

Great French Revolution of the 18th century (1789-1799) - the collapse of the monarchy and the establishment of the republic. Jacobin dictatorship and the Convention: currents and legacy. Rule of Napoleon Bonaparte. The first empire in France with the coronations by Emperor Napoleon I.

Surgut State University Department of History Historiographical Analysis A. Matiez. "French Revolution" Completed by: Yatsun K.S. group 861

The formation of the socio-political views of the largest figure in the French Revolution, Zh.P. Marat. The idea of an armed uprising. Classification of state crimes into false and genuine. The role of J.P. Marat in the great French bourgeois revolution.

Historical essay. Jacobin dictatorship. Organization of revolutionary power.

Mazarin, J-Baptiste Colbert, regent Duke of Orleans, John Lowe, Cardinal Fleury, Mopu, Terre, J. Necker, P. Beaumarchais.

Cardinal Mazarin- church and politician and the first minister of France in 1643-1650 and 1651-1661. He took up the post under the patronage (patronage) of Queen Anne of Austria. He pursued Richelieu's policy: he increased centralized rent by raising taxes.

J.-B. Colbert- since 1665 comptroller general of finances, tsn government figure at L.14. settled the distribution of taxes, contributed to the growth of trade and industry (mercantilism).

Regent Duke of Orleans - regent of the French kingdom under the infant king Louis XV from 1715 to 1723, nephew of Louis XIV.

John Low - general controller fnl. since 1716 - bank, state. bankruptcy (L.15)

Cardinal Fleury- French statesman 1726- 1743 "Au century Fr" (L.15)

mopu- French political and judicial figure; chancellor (head of the judiciary) and keeper of the seals (appointed by Louis XV, 1768-1774). He pursued a policy of strengthening the power of the king and limiting the rights of parliaments.

Abbe of Terre- general controller fn 1769-1774. An immoral official who became synonymous for contemporaries with a man without shame and conscience.

J. Necker - general controller fn 1776-1781 under L.16, Calvinist, did not have civil rights, but b. banker.

P. Beaumarchais- the famous French playwright and publicist. "The Marriage of Figaro", "The Barber of Seville".

WFR figures

Abbé Sieyes, O. Mirabeau, J. Lafayette, Le Chapelier, J. R. de Lisle; A. Barnave, M. Robespierre, J. P. Marat, J. J. Danton, Saint-Just, Jacques Roux, Charlotte Corday, P. Chaumette, J. Hébert, Joseph Fouchet, Barras, Babeuf; Duke of Enghien, Talleyrand.

Abbe Sieyes- French politician. He was one of the most active members of the National Assembly. He drew up an oath given by the deputies on June 20, 1789, not to disperse until a new constitution was given to France; After the fall of Robespierre, he became a member of the Committee of Public Safety. During the preparations for the coup of 18, Brumaire stood on the side of Bonaparte, became one of the three temporary consuls, but had no real power.

O. Mirabeau- one of the most famous orators and politicians of France, a freemason. "I know only three ways of being in modern society: one must either be a beggar, or a thief, or receive a salary. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen was composed by Mirabeau

J. Lafayette- French politician. Member of three revolutions: the American War of Independence

the French Revolution and the July Revolution of 1830. Member of the Society of Feuillants. His polit. persuasion most often characterized as moderate, constitutional-monarchist.

Le Chapelier- a prominent speaker, a member of the constitutional committee, the initiator of many draft laws - the law on the prohibition of shoplifting

J. R. de Lisle- French poet and composer, author of the revolution. songs of the Marseillaise.

A. Barnav- French politician of the era of the Great French Revolution, supporter of the constitutional monarchy, - Society of Feuillants, member of the National Assembly in 1789-91.

M. Robespierre- one of the leaders of the Great French Revolution, the head of perhaps the most radical revolutionary movement - the Jacobins. Member of the Legislative Assembly since 1789 and the Convention since 1792. In fact, having headed the revolutionary government in 1793, he contributed to the execution of King Louis XVI and his wife Marie Antoinette, the creation of a revolutionary tribunal, the execution of the leaders of the Girondins, Ebertists and Dantonists

J. P. Marat - a politician of the era of the French Revolution, a doctor, a radical journalist, one of the leaders of the Jacobins. Known by the nickname "Friend of the People".

J. Danton - French revolutionary, one of the founding fathers of the First French Republic, co-chairman of the Cordeliers Club, Minister of Justice during the French Revolution, the first chairman of the Committee of Public Safety.

Jacques Roux - one of the leaders of the "mad", Joined the Cordeliers Club. Implacable opponent of the Girondins.

Charlotte Corday - French noblewoman, murderer of Jean Paul Marat.

P. Chaumette - took part in the revolutionary press and played a certain role in the Cordeliers club. After August 10, 1792, Chaumette was a member and Attorney General of the Paris Commune.

J. Hébert is an extreme leftist among the Jacobins, the "leader" of the Hébertists and the defender of the sans-culottes.

J. Fouche - French politician and statesman. Shortly before the execution of Danton, he was elected chairman of the Jacobin club. However, unexpectedly for many, he began to condemn the extremes of terror and was an opponent of Robespierre.

Barras is one of the leaders of the Thermidorian coup, the director of all the compositions of the Directory and its actual leader in 1795-1799.

Babeuf - French revolutionary utopian communist, leader of the movement "in the name of equality" during the Directory.

Duke of Enghien - French prince of the blood, the only son of the last Prince of Condé. Little known during his lifetime, the Duke of Enghien went down in history by being shot in the moat of the Castle of Vincennes on the orders of Napoleon I.

Talleyrand is a French politician and diplomat who served as Minister of Foreign Affairs under three regimes, starting with the Directory and ending with the government of Louis Philippe. A well-known master of political intrigue. The name "Talleyrand" has become almost a household name to denote cunning, dexterity and unscrupulousness.

The era of the Napoleonic wars

Murat, Jourdan, M. Ney, Eugene Beauharnais, Joseph Bonaparte, Louis Bonaparte, Josephine; G. Nelson, A. Wellington.

Joachim Murat - the famous Napoleonic marshal, king of the Kingdom of Naples (1808-1815).

Jourdan - Marshal of France (1804), From 1797 a member of the Council of Five Hundred, proposed and passed the law on scripture ( conscription). During the coup of 18, Brumaire first opposed Napoleon Bonaparte, but then joined him.

Michel Ney - Marshal of France during the Napoleonic Wars, Duke of Elchingen and Prince of Moscow. Napoleon called him "the bravest of the brave".

Eugene Beauharnais - Viceroy of Italy, divisional general. The only son of Napoleon's first wife, Josephine Beauharnais.

Joseph Bonaparte - the elder brother of Napoleon I, participated in his brother's campaigns and concluded treaties on behalf of the Republic. In 1808-1813. was the king of Spain.

Louis Bonaparte - one of the brothers of Napoleon I, father of Napoleon III. In 1806-1810. - King of the vassal in relation to the French Empire of the Kingdom of Holland under the name of Louis I.

Josephine - Empress of France in 1804 - 1809, the first wife of Napoleon I.

Horatio Nelson - English naval commander, vice admiral. On August 1-2, 1798, he defeated the French fleet at Abukir, and on October 21, 1805, in the Battle of Trafalgar, in which Nelson was mortally wounded.

Arthur Wellesley Wellington - English commander, field marshal, participant in the Napoleonic Wars, winner at Waterloo 06/18/1815, 25th and 28th Prime Minister of Great Britain.

Revolution of 1789-1794 in France it is considered to be a classical bourgeois revolution. They don't call her Great for nothing. It shook to its foundations all the foundations of French absolutism, which even shortly before the revolution seemed unshakable to contemporaries; it overthrew all the economic and political foundations of the "old regime" in one of the most powerful powers in Europe.

However, the significance of this revolution is not limited to the scale of only one country and the framework of only one decade. French Revolution of the 18th century came biggest event world history and had a significant impact on the entire course of the subsequent development of mankind, opening the era of the triumphant march around the globe of the then most progressive socio-economic and political system.

The French bourgeois revolution went through three stages in its development:

July 1789 - August 1792 (the period of domination of the so-called constitutionalists (feuillants) - a bloc of the big financial bourgeoisie and the liberal nobility);

August 1792 - June 1793 (the period of domination of the Girondins - more radical sections of the large and middle commercial and industrial bourgeoisie, mainly provincial);

June 1793 - July 1794 (the period of domination by a broad bloc of revolutionary-democratic forces, the so-called Jacobins, objectively reflecting the interests of the petty, partly middle bourgeoisie, artisans, peasantry).

Thus, at each subsequent stage of the revolution, its leadership was carried out by an increasingly radical group. This gives grounds to assert that the general trend of the revolution lies in its development along an ascending line.

The fall of the Jacobins, who by the summer of 1794 had exhausted their revolutionary potential and lost the support of the broad masses of the people, returned the big bourgeoisie to power. However, neither this event, nor the numerous upheavals that followed it, embodied in frequent changes in state forms and political regimes, could not return France to the pre-revolutionary state - so radical and irreversible were the changes that occurred in such a short historical period, which turned out to be the revolutionary five years.

Political trends of the French Revolution.

Cordeliers

(fr. Club des Cordeliers) - a political club in the era of the French Revolution, first known under the name of the Friends of Human Rights club; gathered in the suburbs of Saint-Antoine (Fr. Saint-Antoine), in the old monastery of the Cordeliers (or, otherwise, the Franciscans), which is why it got its name. Here, at first, only conversations about moral and political questions took place, but soon the burning questions of the day began to be passionately discussed. In their principles, the Cordeliers converged with the Jacobins, participated in their meetings and decisions, and only wanted "to implement the concepts of freedom and equality on a larger scale, to create democracy on the broadest basis."

This club was headed by Jean Paul Marat, Georges Jacques Danton and Camille Desmoulins. Theroigne de Mericourt and Anacharsis Kloots also belonged to him.

The Cordeliers did not have such a strong organization and discipline as, for example, the Jacobins: their meetings were disorderly, their debates were not alien to extraneous influences, for example, the influence of the Duke of Orleans; but, relying on the lower classes, from among whom new members were usually chosen, they formed (especially on June 20 and August 10, 1792 and in the first days of the Republic) a rather strong "action party". Even earlier, in 1791, they drew up a petition to overthrow the king and laid it on the Champ de Mars, on the altar of the fatherland, inviting all citizens to sign under it.

Little by little, the Cordeliers club weakened and finally merged completely with the Jacobins.

Girondins

(Girondins) - one of the political parties in the era of the French Revolution. The party got its name (sometimes replaced by the name "Gironde", la Gironde) from the department of the Gironde (with the main city of Bordeaux), which in October 1791 sent the local lawyers Vergniaud, Guadet, Jansonnet, Granzhnev and the young merchant Ducos to the legislative assembly, a circle which was the original grain of the party. It was soon joined by Brissot with his group (the Brissotins), Roland, Condorcet, Foché, Inard (Isnard) and others. Supporters of individual freedom, admirers of the democratic political theory of Rousseau, who very soon began to speak out in a republican spirit, ardent defenders of the revolution they desired moved even beyond the borders of France, Zh. were remarkable for their remarkable eloquence, but did not show either organizational talent or party discipline.

Jacobimans

(fr. Jacobins) - members of the Jacobin Club (club des Jacobins), the French political club of the era of the revolution, - who established their dictatorship in France in 1793-1794.

The club was formed in June 1789 on the basis of the Breton faction of deputies of the National Assembly and got its name from the venue of the club's meetings in the Dominican monastery of St. James on the Rue Saint-Jacques in Paris. Members of the club itself, as well as members of provincial clubs closely associated with the main one, were considered Jacobins. The club had an enormous influence on the course of the French Revolution of 1789: the revolution grew and developed, fell and disappeared in connection with the fate of this club. During their reign, the Jacobins carried out a number of radical reforms and launched mass terror. The Jacobin Party included:

- right wing, led by Danton,
- center headed by Robespierre,
- the left wing, led by Marat (and after his death by Hébert and Chaumette).

Until 1791, the members of the club were supporters of the constitutional monarchy. The Jacobins (mostly supporters of Robespierre) participated in the Convention, where they advocated the unity of the country, the strengthening of national defense in the face of counter-revolution and harsh internal terror; by 1793 they had become the most influential force in it. Having overthrown the Girondins on June 2, 1793, and later cracked down on the Hébertists and Dantonists, the Jacobins had a strong influence on the minds of the Parisians until the fall of Robespierre as a result of the coup on 9 Thermidor (July 27, 1794). After the death of the leaders of the Jacobins, the persecution of the Jacobins by the Thermidorians and the royalists who raised their heads after Thermidor, the Jacobin Club was closed in November 1794. The motto of the "Society of Friends of the Republic One and Indivisible" (the official name of the Jacobin Club) was the motto "Vivre libre ou mourir" - "Live free or die."

Since the 19th century, the term has been used not only to refer to members of the club and their allies, but also as the name of a radical political movement.

The Jacobin dictatorship took a number of measures aimed at the final undermining of the feudal system, completely eliminating all surviving seigneurial rights and securing the land they cultivated for the peasants. She fixed the fixed prices demanded by the sans-culottes and the maximum wages, held a billion dollar forced loan from the rich. She continued her attack on the Catholic Church and introduced a republican calendar. In 1793, a constitution was adopted, which was based on universal suffrage, but its introduction was postponed due to the critical situation of the republic, and as a result it did not take place.

The Jacobin dictatorship demonstrated a complete rejection of liberal principles, showing a model of state intervention in various spheres of society. Industrial production and agriculture, finance and trade, public festivals and the private life of citizens - everything was subject to strict regulation. However, it was unable to contain the further deepening of the economic and social crisis.

The Great Revolution ended the Age of Enlightenment, but it also largely determined the political and social processes of the next century, far beyond the borders of France itself.

Salvation from conspiracies is seen in terror in relation to ill-wishers and opponents of the revolution, which almost everyone can fall into. Already here in these words they from the Chains of Slavery contains in embryo the idea of nominating a people's tribune or establishing a dictatorship in the ancient Roman manner, which Marat especially persistently develops and propagates during the years of the revolution. It is true that in the fight against the enemies of the revolution it is necessary first to expose and condemn their intrigues to use legal means against them.

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Figures of the Great French Revolution about the revolutionary dictatorship and terror (M. Robespierre, J. P. Marat, G. Babeuf).

Jacobin political and legal ideology - organic part, an integral component of the public consciousness of that stormy revolutionary era, which France experienced at the end of the XVIII century. Its tension, typical features, language naturally refracted in this ideology, leaving its deep imprint on it, to a large extent shaping its appearance. The public revolutionary consciousness of France at that time was distinguished by two cardinal moments: fear and hope. Fear for a revolution that might be destroyed by its enemies. Fear leads to violence. Violence is sometimes a defensive reaction, inspired by the idea of retribution and justified by a number of arguments. It is directed in turn to various objects and gives rise to its own myths, the core of which isconspiracy idea. Salvation from conspiracies see in terror in relation to ill-wishers and opponents of the revolution, among which almost everyone can fall. The presence of hope in the public revolutionary consciousness is fueled by faith in the radicalness and speed of the social transformations taking place, as well as the perception of the latter as inevitable, final and irreversible changes. In the “space” of the electrified public consciousness in this way, the political and legal ideas of J. P. Marat and M. Robespierre mature, arise and function. Applied to Jean Paul Marat (1743-1793), this judgment requires some adjustment, since he gave the first, most detailed and systematic presentation of his political views back in 1774 in the pamphlet "The Chains of Slavery". Approximately the same range of issues (but with a clear emphasis on legal issues) is considered by Marat in his second major work of the pre-revolutionary period -

in "The Plan of Criminal Legislation" (1780). The central theme of these works is despotism: its origins, methods and means of establishing despotic

power, its consequences, ways and forms of combating it, etc. Marat believes that, in the final analysis, despotism grows out of the desire-passion of the individual to excel, out of the thirst for power inherent in human nature. “Love for omnipotence is naturally inherent in the human heart, which, under any conditions, strives to excel. This is the main beginning of those abuses of power that are committed by its custodians, this is the source of slavery among people. The existence of a despotic type of government is predetermined, according to Marat, by the genesis of statehood: it comes into being as a result of violence. “States owe their origin to violence, almost always their founder is some lucky robber.” The idea of a robbery act as

action, which opened the history of political institutions, does not quite fit into the concept of the genesis of the state, which was widely used in the social philosophy of the Enlightenment, the concept of the contractual origin of the state. Probably feeling this dissonance, Marat in his "Plan of Criminal Legislation" joins the opinion shared by the enlighteners. Marat believes that in clarifying the nature of the bonds that bind a society, “with absolute inevitability, one has to admit the existence of an agreement between its members. Equal rights, mutual benefits, mutual assistance—that should be the basis of this agreement.” The acceptance of the idea of a social contract, however, is not accompanied by Marat's attempts to somehow coherently link it with his own, previously expressed by him, idea that the state arose as a result of violence. In order to arrive at a "well-ordered state", it will be necessary to divide public power between a large number officials. Placed all as one in dependence on the people, they must be independent of each other, must mutually balance, moderate and restrain each other. In a “well-organized state,” Marat believed, the highest power belongs to the entire people as a whole. He alone (by himself or through his representatives) is sovereign and supreme legislator. The people themselves monitor the proper implementation of their own laws. Where the people are sovereign, the well-being of the people is also achievable. For him (the well-being of the people) three things are required: "subjects - sacred rights, the state - immutable laws, the government - insurmountable limits of power." It is no coincidence that the list of what is necessary for the people's well-being opens up with the rights of citizens subject to the rights of people. According to Marat, it is their implementation

is (or should be) the goal of the political community. Marat distinguishes between natural and civil rights individuals. The first are original, the second are derived from them. Society acts as an intermediary between them. In The Constitution, or Draft Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen (August 1789), Marat wrote that the "mutual rights" of people go back to the natural right of man. They are established by society and, thanks to the social contract, acquire a sacred, indisputable character. Human rights "arise solely from his needs." Seeing the source of law in the needs of the individual, i.e., in the state of his need for objects that ensure his existence and development, is a realistic element of Maratov's legal understanding. Marat has little faith in the possibility of putting an end to despotic regimes by reforming the existing state-legal order. His ultimate hopeuprising of the masses, spontaneous popular revolt, reprisal against the masters,those in power, enemies of the fatherland, etc. However, unorganized rebellious actions of the masses degenerate into a revolt, "always unsuccessful and easily suppressed." In order to prevent the onset of such an outcome in the “minutes of general ferment”, according to Marat, a daredevil is needed who will become

the head of the discontented and lead them to the oppressors, "an outstanding mind subjugating the minds, a sage capable of directing the actions of an unbridled and fickle crowd" is needed. Already here, in these words (they are from "The Chains of Slavery") is contained in

the germ of that idea the nomination of a people's tribune or the establishment dictatorships (in the ancient Roman manner), which Marat especially persistently develops and propagates during the years of the revolution. During these years in France, by "dictatorship" many understood personal power, not bound by any laws and absolutely excluding any democracy. According to Marat, the purpose of a dictatorship is "to destroy traitors and conspirators." Who are they? In fact, all those who are outside the party, which consists "only of the poor classes, of the plebs, without knowledge, means, leaders." The dictatorship fulfills its mission by methods of revolutionary terror. It is possible, however, that in the struggle against the enemies of the revolution it will be necessary first to expose and condemn their intrigues, to use legal means against them. However, the final word

in this fight must belong to the guillotine and noose. Justifying his calls for "massacres", Marat explained: "No one has more disgust for the shedding of blood than I do, but in order to prevent the shedding of streams, I insist on shedding a few drops of it." He is convinced that the “despotism of freedom” that reigns for a moment (of course, a historical moment) will put an end to the despotism of kings by force, and “a few heads cut off in a timely manner will hold back the enemies of society for a long time and deliver great nation from the scourge of poverty and the horrors of war." Marat's views paradoxically combine the concept of popular sovereignty, the defense of the principle of separation of powers, the idea of creating a system of checks and balances in the mechanisms of government, an apology for human rights and criticism of arbitrariness with the ideas of an autocratic dictator and merciless terror, ignoring legal guarantees for the security of an individual in a revolution. etc.

The appearance of an openly authoritarian component in Marat's political theory after July 1789, of course, reflects, first of all, the search for reliable extraordinary measures capable of saving the revolution that had begun. However, this was probably not the only thing. Some negative emotional factors also worked, and certain ideological attitudes made themselves felt. Marat's historical pessimism influenced him: his opinion about the original corruption (“lust for power”) of people, disbelief in the positive creative potential of society, the conviction that the advent of despotic forms of community life is almost inevitable. To overcome the effect of these negative phenomena and tendencies that fill history, according to Marat, in the end, only violence can. Especially in the context of the revolution, Marat, like many of his contemporaries, relied heavily on repression, intimidation, and punishment. He hoped that through violence, punitive measures, the revolutionaries would be able to neutralize the enemies of the people, eliminate all the vices of society, radically reorganize the country and achieve the triumph of justice. The symbiosis of liberal-democratic and authoritarian ideas, similar to Maratov's, is inherent in a number of political doctrines of the era of the Great French Revolution. Almost

the dominant among them (especially at the apogee of the revolution) is the system of state-legal views of M. Robespierre. In literary heritageMaximilian Robespierre(1758 - 1794) there are no such separate large works as, for example, the works of Marat "The Chains of Slavery" and "The Plan of Criminal Legislation". But his activities as political leader and the ideologist of the Jacobin movement proceeded unusually intensively. He made over 600 speeches alone for the period from 1789 to 1794. Actually, the theoretical and analytical consideration of the problems of politics, law, state, legislation is presented by Robespierre relatively modestly. In this regard, his famous speeches “On the Constitution” (May 10, 1793), “On the Principles of Revolutionary Government” (December 25, 1793), “On the Principles of Political Morality” (February 5, 1794) and others stand out first of all. . Social project Robespierre is not original. It is such a society of small producers, where everyone owns land, a small workshop, a shop that can feed his family, and where a person directly exchanges the products he has produced with other people equal to him. Therefore, cherishedRobespierre's goal is an exemplary petty-bourgeois system.He has no intention of going beyond the world of private property.

The content of the corresponding pro-bourgeois state-legal ideal of Robespierre almost did not change throughout his entire life. revolutionary activity. Robespierre's conception of the ideal republic is not the product of direct experience, it is the fruit of an intellectual doctrine stemming chiefly from the writings of Rousseau and Montesquieu. The influence of Rousseau's political doctrine on this concept is especially great. Robespierre revealed, developed and enriched a number of key provisions of his ideological forerunner: on the natural rights of a person, the form of government, the representative system, the boundaries of private property, etc. The semantic core of the totality of Robespierre's political and legal views are the provisions on state power, about the apparatus of the state, about the principles of its construction and functioning. According to Robespierre, three principles must lie at the foundation of a political union. The first of these is the protection and provision of the natural rights of a citizen, the development of all his abilities. The second is the right of every citizen to participate in legislation and government, due to the natural equality and innate freedom of people. The third is the supremacy of the power of the people in the state. The people in any situation are entitled to decide their own destiny. "If one of the members

society is oppressed, then there is the oppression of the whole society. If a society is oppressed, then every member of society is oppressed. The right to resist oppression is a corollary of other human rights.” The theses about the sovereignty of the people and that there can be no free society that has not been freed from the oppression and arbitrariness of literally every member became a valuable acquisition of progressive political thought. At first, Robespierre believed that the ability of the people, of all citizens, to enjoy freedom and respect is not directly due to this or that combination of government institutions and laws. But as the revolution unfolds and deepens, he feels more strongly the dissimilarity of the socio-political content of the various forms of government. Now it is already unequivocally negative, as vicious, that he characterizes the monarchical principle of organizing state power and defends the need for a consistently republican structure of the country. In fact, until the end of 1793, Robespierre sharply objected to dictatorial means and methods of exercising public power. His conviction is this: "to pass the death sentence on anyone who proposes a dictatorship, a triumvirate, or any other form of power that harms the regime of freedom established by the French Republic." At that time, Robespierre sees the guarantee of the regime of freedom not so much in the toughening of repressions against his enemies, but in the reliable functioning of the republican state-legal mechanisms themselves to ensure public and individual freedom. In his speech "On the Constitution", he calls on the Convention to implement the separation of powers, to clearly separate

legislative institutions from the administrative apparatus, to provide for the reduction of the terms of office of all officials (especially those with broad prerogatives), to make these persons really dependent on the sovereign, i.e., the people (and not on individuals). Robespierre's resolute criticism of the feudal-monarchist institutions, the militant democracy of the republican views he developed, make the leader of the Jacobins a prominent figure in the history of the doctrines of politics and power, law and the state of modern times. But the independence and originality of Robespierre as a political thinker is based largely on theconcepts of constitutional and revolutionary government.

With the advancement of this concept, the whole complex of Robespierre's political and legal ideas is significantly transformed. More obvious is their attraction to authoritarian forms of power. The bias towards legal nihilism, etc., is now clearly felt. The distinction between the two types of government is given in the speech

"On the Principles of Revolutionary Government". Robespierre expresses in it the point of view that the "constitutional ship" is built with the expectation of sailing exclusively in the "calm sea", in an atmosphere where he does not have to go "towards the opposite wind." The purpose of constitutional government is to preserve the already established republic, to concern itself chiefly with civil liberty, to preserve individuals from the abuses permitted by public authority, etc. "The Constitution is a regime of victorious and peaceful freedom." The revolutionary government appears to Robespierre quite differently. It is designed to operate in turbulent circumstances: when the sea is not calm, but a storm, when a revolution is raging in the country. Strictly speaking, such a government is the immediate product and at the same time the direct instrument of the revolution being carried out. Here it is very important to fix and constantly keep in mind Robespierre's understanding of the very essence of the revolution. According to Robespierre, it means, first of all, the state of war in society. "Revolution is the war of freedom against its enemies."Identification of revolution with warstrongly influenced the nature of Robespierre's vision of the "enemies of freedom" camp, as well as Robespierre's interpretation of the tasks and methods of dealing with those who are considered to be in this camp. Who are they? It is clear that all sorts of conspirators attacking freedom and trying to destroy it are people who oppose the measures of the revolution. But they are not the only ones. All carriers of "immoral", "unreasonable", "corrupt" are declared counter-revolutionaries. To the "enemies of freedom", to the counter-revolutionaries, the revolutionary government must bear only

death. Apology for terrorin particular, his Jacobin practice overturns the constitutional republican ideal preached by Robespierre. The motives that prompted Robespierre to defend the thesis about the obligation to resort to measures of violence, the use of terror in the fight against the old order for the sake of establishing a republican-democratic system, were “suggested” to him by certain worldview and ideological ideas. Among them is the firm conviction that war is needed not only to destroy the counter-revolutionaries (open and secret), but also to eradicate the weaknesses of human nature, vices, prejudices, because they also pave the way for royal power.Robespierre likens terror to justice,

which he considers an emanation of virtue. Respecting terror as a virtuous means, he, in addition, sees in it a "consequence general principle democracy." Robespierre, however, clarifies that terror must be launched "with the most urgent needs of the fatherland." But who and according to what specific criteria will determine when and for what

When do these “most urgent needs” arise? There is no clear answer to such questions. In the minds of Robespierre and his supporters, the saviors of the Fatherland, there is latently the idea of the possibility of using violence to force the nation to build a free, just society, as well as the idea of the suitability of some of the measures mentioned in the conditions of life of the future republican-constitutional state. The dominance of force over law, legal nihilism destroy freedom, make it defenseless in the face of tyranny, lead the people's revolution to a dead end. The tragedy of Robespierre, the tragedy of the Jacobin dictatorship is a natural result of the combination of many circumstances. Not the least among them is just the "greatest disdain" for the legal principles of social life shown by the Jacobins in theory and practice.

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“The only legitimate aim of any political

association is a common happiness. Whatever

were the claims of those in power, any consideration

must yield to this supreme law.”

Jean Paul Marat

"Truth and justice are the only things I

I worship on earth."

From the newspaper "Friend of the People" 1789

Jean Paul Marat was born on May 24, 1743 in the small town of Boudry, in the Principality of Neuchâtel in Switzerland. He received a good education in the house of his father, a fairly well-known doctor. At the age of 16 he left his father's house, lived in France, Holland, Ireland and England, studied medicine, physics and philosophy. In 1773 he published a two-volume work on physiology "Philosophical experience about man", which was followed by a number of other scientific works. In 1775, Marat's pamphlet "The Chains of Slavery" was published (in England), an outstanding political work directed against absolutism and the English parliamentary system and put forward the ideas of an armed uprising and an armed dictatorship. In 1776, Marat moved to Paris and settled on the street of the Old Dovecote, where he became famous for his medical practice and scientific research in physics. With the beginning of the revolution, Marat left his scientific studies, devoting himself to serving the insurgent people.

In 1789, Marat published the pamphlets "Gift to the Fatherland" and "Additions", where he developed the idea of the need to unite all social progressive forces to fight against absolutism.

that at present there are fifteen million people in the kingdom who are ready to die from

consistently defending the interests of the people and their poorest strata. With this, he gained immense popularity among the masses.

fearless party of the Jacobins and for its most beloved leader, who was called a respectful and affectionate name - the Friend of the People.

The legacy of the French Revolution is majestic and grandiose! It gave the world a complex of ideas of social and human progress, democracy.

The life path of Marat became an example for many generations of revolutionary fighters.

I liked Marat because he was human, he was not afraid of anyone or anything, he persistently went his own way, boldly saying that his conscience prompted him.

Korneev Andrey

Bibliography :

1. Encyclopedic Dictionary. Volume XVIIIa . Saint Petersburg 1896

Printing house of Efron I.A. and Brockhaus F.A.

2. A. Manfred "Marat". Moscow, Young Guard Publishing House, 1962

3. Series "Life of Remarkable People"

Moscow, Young Guard Publishing House, 1989