home General biology Social movement during the reign of Alexander 2. Social movements. Working on new material

Social movement during the reign of Alexander 2. Social movements. Working on new material

The domestic policy of Alexander II did not bring political peace to Russia. Despite its far-reaching social and administrative reforms, he faced stiff opposition and an open revolutionary movement.

Political opposition came primarily from the nobility.

There was an idea that the nobility, having lost their social and economic privileges, should receive political privileges in return. This idea arose among the members of the provincial committees, who were dissatisfied with the radicalism of the editorial commissions.

In addition to the political programs of the nobility, as a continuation of the tradition of the Decembrists, other projects were put forward that provided for the transformation of Russia in a constitutional and democratic direction.

A revolutionary idea arose among raznochintsy.

These were the children of peasants and merchants (educated); clergy children who refused to be priests; children of petty officials, and children of impoverished nobles. Raznochintsy quickly formed a new social class - the intelligentsia, which included many nobles. Their number grew rapidly, who were connected with newspapers, or universities.

The leaders of the intelligentsia wanted social revolution, although Russian industry was undeveloped and could not provide the basis for socialism. They criticized the government for not being radical enough. Harsh criticism was given in the revolutionary organs abroad.

The most famous of them was The Bell, published by Alexander Herzen in London.

Revolutionary propaganda was conducted in harsh tones. The proclamation "Young Russia" in 1862 called for terror - the murders of members of the government. A number of arsons took place in St. Petersburg. The government arrested and exiled several leaders of the radicals.

The activity of Russian revolutionaries was connected with the movement in Poland.

The Polish Revolution broke out in 1863.

Immediately before this, the government began to pursue a liberal policy in Poland and placed the reforms in the hands of an outstanding Polish figure, Marquis Alexander Wielopolski.

Radical elements in Poland decided to sabotage this reform. The uprising was suppressed by military force, after which the last remnants of Polish independence were liquidated.

The Kingdom of Poland received its official name - Privislenskie provinces.

In 1864, a land reform was carried out under the supervision of Milyutin and Cherkassky. They carried it out more successfully than in Russia. Thanks to this, the Polish peasants remained loyal to the Russian government until the World War.

The Polish uprising influenced the evolution of the opposition and revolutionary movement in Russia. It raised the patriotism of the people and strengthened the government.

Russian revolutionary leaders associated with the Polish uprising lost their prestige in Russia. Karakozov's attempt to assassinate Emperor Alexander II in 1866 was a separate act, a small group.

A new wave of anti-government activity took place in the 1870s. In intellectual circles, a desire was expressed for elective representation not only in local government (zemstvo and city), but also higher. The reforms were to be completed by the creation of a parliament.

This movement especially intensified after the war with Turkey in 1877-1878. When the liberated Bulgaria received a constitution, the activity of revolutionary organizations intensified.

From 1870 to 1875 the radical intelligentsia refrained from fighting the government but undertook propaganda among the masses. Many intellectuals went "to the people". They lived among peasants and workers, worked in schools and became workers in the countryside or in industry.

Fearing the consequences of propaganda, the government arrested revolutionaries. Many were imprisoned and exiled on one suspicion of the police. Government measures have caused bitterness among the intelligentsia. Among them were revolutionaries who began to use terror and prepare murders.

In 1879, in Lipetsk (center of Russia), the leaders of the revolutionary movement held a secret meeting. An Executive Committee was elected to overthrow the government.

The committee decided to stop all assassination attempts on individual officials and concentrate all efforts on the assassination of Alexander II.

Alexander II became the object of the hunt. Unsuccessful attempts were made one after another at an accelerating pace, until one of them ended in the death of the emperor on March 1 in St. Petersburg.

The assassination of Alexander II took place on the very day when he signed the approval of the Committee of Representatives in aid of the Council of State.

It was the so-called "constitution of Loris-Melikov" (Minister of the Interior). According to him, the revolutionaries used moral support moderate classes of society because of their dissatisfaction with the autocracy of the government. He believed that the government should satisfy the moderates by granting a constitution. This measure, he believed, should deprive the revolutionaries of the moral sympathy of these classes.

The assassination of the king prevented the implementation of this plan. Alexander III rejected the constitutional plan and the statement signed by Alexander II was never published.

The victory over Napoleon brought the long-awaited peace to Europe, but did not solve any internal problems of the Russian Empire. The post-war period is characterized by a new direction of civic activity - the social movement. For the first time in Russia they acquired organized forms. The social movement under Alexander 1 laid the foundation of its activities on the foundation of liberal ideas.

liberalism in the country

The ideas of European liberalism spread in Russia during the time of Catherine II, who actively corresponded with such ideologists of this direction as Voltaire, Rousseau, Diderot and others. However, later the empress rejected such teachings, rightly fearing that they would damage the monarchical system of Russia.

The liberal movement in Russia received a second wind in 1812. Soldiers and officers who visited Europe returned to their homeland as staunch opponents of serfdom and the autocratic system. The absolute disregard by the authorities of the need to transform the country caused a dull dissatisfaction among the progressive sections of the population. It was in such conditions that the social movement under Alexander 1 was born and began its activities.

Masonic lodges were the first public organizations in Russia. The idea of the emergence of the Masonic movement came from Europe. By the 20th year of the XIX century. members of the Masonic lodges were about 3 thousand nobles, merchants and people of the middle class. Freemasonry gave society the experience needed to organize and operate secret societies.

Basically, under Alexander 1, it is known for such secret societies: the Union of Salvation, the Union of United Slavs and others.

Union of Salvation

This is the first major society. Its founder was A.N. Muraviev - Colonel General Staff, hero of the Patriotic War.

The main goal of the Salvation Union was the elimination of serfdom and the restriction of the rights of the monarchy. There were isolated calls for conspiracy and regicide, but they did not spread among most members of the union.

After the decision was made to attract broad public support, the Salvation Union disbanded, and on its basis the Welfare Union arose. The secret society program had its own charter, which was known as the "Green Book". The society was based on the same ideas as before - the overthrow of the autocracy and the destruction of the serfdom. But at the same time, the members of the union agreed to participate in the reforms of the state together with the government, attached great importance ideas of upbringing and education. When the government refused to reform the state, the social movement under Alexander 1 was under threat. Successful military coups in Russia prompted the idea of organizing a military mutiny in Russia and forcing the government to make concessions.

Therefore, after the Union of Welfare, new societies were created, which received the names of Northern and Southern.

northern society

Petersburg became the center of the Northern society. E. P. Obolensky, S. P. Trubetskoy, N. M. Muravyov and others became members of the union. According to the program outlined by N. M. Muravyov in his Constitution, Russia was to renounce autocracy and become a constitutional monarchy. He also laid the foundation for the idea of a federal division of Russia into 15 "powers". The rights of the emperor were limited. The personal freedom of the peasants was envisaged, and civil rights were also introduced for every inhabitant of Russia. These theses give an idea of what the social movement was striving for under Alexander 1.

Southern society

This civil formation united officers who served on the territory of Ukraine. The head of the Southern Society is the hero of the Battle of Borodino, Colonel P. I. Pestel.

Under his leadership, a draft Constitution of Russia was created under the name "Russian Truth", but with more radical theses than Muravyov's. Thus, the Russian Empire was to become a republican country, not a monarchy. The state was to be governed by a supreme council and a people's council. The peasants were given not only freedom, but also land plots.

Thus, the abolition of serfdom and radical transformations in the state were the foundations that characterized the social movement under Alexander 1. Table illustrating short goals public organizations, is shown below.

Members of secret societies actively discussed real ways to achieve their goals. The result was a decision on a state military action.

Despite the conspiracy, the government had an idea of the threats posed by the social movement under Alexander 1. In 1822, a decision was made to ban all Masonic lodges and secret societies. A few days before his death, the king ordered the arrest of the participants in the rebellion. The unexpected death of the emperor pushed the people to the uprising of 1825.

social movements

Most of the supporters were in the ranks of the liberals, who, despite the variety of shades, mainly advocated a peaceful transition to constitutional forms of government, for political and civil freedoms, and for the enlightenment of the people.

In the 60s, in the wake of the denial of the old order, the ideology of nihilism arose among the students. At the same time, under the influence of socialist ideas, artels, communes, workshops arose, hoping that collective labor would unite people and prepare them for socialist transformations.

The revolutionaries also stepped up their activities. In the summer and autumn of 1861, inspired by the growing uprisings of the peasants, they distributed proclamations and leaflets calling on the youth, the "educated society", the peasants, and the soldiers to prepare for the fight. In 1861, the strictly conspiratorial organization "Land and Freedom" arose. Then it broke up, but after 15 years the organization reappeared under the same name.

There were other underground groups and circles that were ready to resort to terror in order to overthrow the autocracy. In 1866, a member of one of these organizations, student D. Karakozov, made an unsuccessful attempt on Alexander II.

In the spring of 1874, the idea arose to go to the people in order to educate them and prepare peasant uprisings. "Going to the people" continued for several years.

KAVELIN Konstantin Dmitrievich (04.11.1818-03.05.1885) - Russian scientist and liberal public figure.

K. D. Kavelin was born in St. Petersburg in a family that belonged to the middle stratum of the Russian nobility. He received home education. In 1842, Kavelin graduated from the law faculty of Moscow University and entered the service of the Ministry of Justice. Having defended his master's thesis "Basic principles of the Russian judiciary and civil justice", he received a place at the Department of the History of Russian Legislation at Moscow University. In 1844, K. D. Kavelin joined the circle of Moscow Westernizers. V. G. Belinsky had a great ideological influence on him during this period of time.

In the 2nd floor. 40s K. D. Kavelin, together with S. M. Solovyov, laid the foundations of the “state school” in Russian historical science. In their opinion, the state played the main role in the history of Russia. In 1848, Konstantin Dmitrievich left Moscow University and moved to St. Petersburg. He first served in the Ministry of the Interior and later in the office of the Committee of Ministers.

After the accession to the throne of the new Emperor Alexander II in the capital, they began to talk about the imminent abolition of serfdom. In 1856, K. D. Kavelin presented for the highest consideration a draft peasant reform - “A Note on the Emancipation of the Peasants in Russia”. For its time, it was one of the most liberal peasant reform projects.

The following year, K. D. Kavelin, whose name was well known and whose scientific reputation was impeccable, was invited to teach Russian history and civil law heir to the throne, Tsarevich Nikolai Alexandrovich. Konstantin Dmitrievich accepted this offer. At the same time, he began lecturing at St. Petersburg University. His “Note on the Liberation of the Peasants in Russia” appeared on the pages of the Sovremennik magazine and caused discontent in the ruling circles. Kavelin stopped giving lessons to the heir to the throne. Soon Kavelin left the university. He and several other professors, outraged by the behavior of the administration during the student unrest, resigned.

In con. 50 - early. 60s KD Kavelin became a prominent figure in the Russian liberal movement. He found mutual language with representatives of the liberal bureaucracy, supported the initiatives of the government. Kavelin was a consistent supporter of compromise in public life. He believed that for the prosperity of Russia it was necessary to preserve the autocracy. He agreed with the Slavophiles that it was necessary to "educate society." He wrote about this in the pamphlet The Nobility and the Emancipation of the Peasants (1862). Starting from the 2nd floor. 60s K. D. Kavelin became closer and closer to the Slavophiles.

AT last years life of K. D. Kavelin does a lot scientific activity. He wrote the works "Problems of Psychology", "On the Tasks of Art", "Problems of Ethics", in which he posed the problem of personality as a key problem. However, these works did not have a significant public response.

The funeral of Kavelin resulted in a demonstration of the gratitude of Russian society to one of the pillars of the Russian liberal movement. He was buried at the St. Petersburg Volkov cemetery, next to the grave of I. S. Turgenev, a friend of his youth. I.V.

"Polar Star" - literary and socio-political collections of the Free Russian Printing House, which were published by A. I. Herzen and N. P. Ogarev in London in 1855–1862. and in Geneva in 1868.

The almanac got its name in honor of the Decembrists' edition of the same name, which was published in 1823-1825. The first issue of the magazine was published on July 25, 1855, on the anniversary of the execution of five Decembrists: P. Pestel, K. Ryleev, M. Bestuzhev-Ryumin, S. Muravyov-Apostol and P. Kakhovskiy. Their profiles were featured on its cover. The epigraph to the magazine was the words of A. S. Pushkin "Long live the mind!". In total, eight issues of the almanac were published: Nos. 1–7 in London, No. 8 in Geneva.

The publication of the Polar Star meant the birth of a free press, not controlled by Russian authorities and censorship. On the pages of the "Polar Star" were published the works of Pushkin, Ryleev, Nekrasov, journalistic articles by Ogarev and Herzen. The memoirs of the Decembrists I. I. Pushchin, M. S. Lunin, N. A. and M. A. Bestuzhevs were first published in the collections. The amnestied Decembrists I. D. Yakushkin, M. A. Bestuzhev and others secretly sent their correspondence to London. The Polar Star published articles on a variety of issues: from people's life to issues of state policy, from its pages there were demands for the liberation of peasants with land , the abolition of censorship.

The almanac was distributed throughout Russia in large numbers, although people were persecuted for its distribution. In educated circles in Russia, the Polar Star magazine enjoyed great prestige. D. Ch.

"KOLOKOL" - the first Russian revolutionary newspaper, which was published by A. I. Herzen and N. P. Ogarev in the Free Printing House in London.

The initiative in publishing a new illegal newspaper belonged to N. Ogarev. In the beginning. 1856 Ogarev, who was better versed in affairs in Rodina, suggested to Herzen that he set up a newspaper that would promptly respond to all major events in Russia. Herzen at that time published the almanac "Polar Star", which came out irregularly, with long breaks.

A year later, Herzen issued a special leaflet in which readers were informed of the imminent release of a new edition.

The first issue of the Kolokol newspaper was published on June 22, 1857. It was a small edition of eight pages. His motto was the words "Vivos voco" - "I call the living", taken from a poem by F. Schiller.

Gradually, voluntary distributors united around the publication. Among them were L. I. Mechnikov, N. I. Zhukovsky, M. A. Bakunin. In Moscow, Voronezh and other cities, young people tried to get it republished or copied it by hand. From the very beginning of its existence, the Bell had an unheard-of success and colossal influence in Russia. This was also connected with the social upsurge in Russia after Crimean War, and with a bright anti-serf position of the newspaper. One of the reasons for the newspaper's popularity was Herzen's giftedness as a journalist. He owned most of the articles published in Kolokol.

The Bell was published for 10 years, from 1857 to 1867. It was printed first in London, then in Geneva, first once, then twice a month. A total of 245 issues were published. D. Ch.

POPULARITY is an ideology and movement of the raznochintsy intelligentsia, which combined a radical program with the ideas of utopian socialism.

Populism was a kind of peasant, communal socialist utopia. A. I. Herzen and N. G. Chernyshevsky are considered its founders. They called for service to the people, for the struggle for the liberation of the peasantry. In their opinion, it was possible to create a socialist society in Russia. They saw its sprouts in the peasant community. Both Herzen and Chernyshevsky believed that the only way to free the Russian people was by revolutionary means.

In the 1870s There were three main trends in populism. The first was represented by M. A. Bakunin and Bakuninists, rebels, supporters of anarchism. Considering the Russian peasant a "born" socialist, Bakunin urged the youth to immediately prepare a popular uprising against the three main enemies: private property, the state, and the church. Under his influence, a rebellious trend developed in populism. They believed that the success of the "revolt" would be helped by community relations in the village.

The followers of P. L. Lavrov constituted the second trend. They saw the main revolutionary force in the peasantry, but believed that the people were not yet ready for an uprising and that it was necessary to show them the possibility of fighting the existing system. Lavrov's followers believed that it was necessary to "wake up the people."

The theoretician of the third trend was P. N. Tkachev. He believed that the revolution should start with coup d'état by the forces of an intelligent revolutionary minority, which, after seizing power, will involve the masses in the reorganization of society. There were far fewer supporters of Tkachev than Bakunin and Lavrov.

All populists perceived the development of capitalism in Russia as a decline, a regression. They believed that Russia was original, that communal agriculture would not allow capitalism to develop, but would become the basis of a socialist society.

The revolutionary populists believed that socialism could be reached through a peasant revolution.

The activities of the Narodniks reached their highest point in the 1870s. Then the mass "going to the people" began. The revolutionary organizations "Land and Freedom" and "Narodnaya Volya" entered the struggle against the autocracy.

Members of the Ishutinsk circle (1863-1866) combined propaganda work with elements of a conspiracy. It was here that the plan to assassinate Alexander II was born. It was carried out by D. V. Karakozov. In 1869, S. G. Nechaev tried to create a secret conspiratorial organization "People's Reprisal", built on the principles of unlimited centralism, blind subordination of ordinary members to unknown leaders. In opposition to Nechaev, a society of “Chaikovites” arose, in which revolutionary ethics became one of the main issues. It included M. A. Natanson, S. M. Kravchinsky, S. L. Perovskaya, P. A. Kropotkin and others. They quickly withdrew from educational activities and began to prepare “going to the people”, to the village.

In the spring and summer of 1874 mass "going to the people" began. However, the peasants cautiously listened to the rebellious speeches of the populists and did not support them. To con. In 1875, the participants in the movement were arrested and then convicted under the “trial of the 193s”.

In 1877, a new populist organization arose in St. Petersburg, which since 1878 was called "Land and Freedom". It included M. A. and O. A. Natansons, A. D. Mikhailov, G. V. Plekhanov, and others. They considered it necessary to wage a political struggle against the autocracy. Terror gradually became one of the main means of revolutionary struggle.

In July 1879, “Land and Freedom” broke up into two independent organizations - “Narodnaya Volya” (A. I. Zhelyabov, A. D. Mikhailov and others), which united supporters of terror, and “Black Redistribution” (G. V. Plekhanov, V. I. Zasulich, P. B. Axelrod, and others), where they began to study and promote Marxism. In 1881, the People's Will made an attempt on Alexander II and the emperor died. Soon the organization was crushed by the police.

In the 2nd floor. 1880 - early. 1890s Populism was going through a crisis caused by the defeat of the "Narodnaya Volya". The influence of the liberal populists increased, and they united around the magazine " Russian wealth"and N.K. Mikhailovsky. The revolutionary populists (a group of Narodnaya Volya in St. Petersburg, other local circles and organizations) began to cooperate with Lenin's "Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class", others formed the party of socialist revolutionaries - the Socialist-Revolutionaries. The revival of revolutionary populism in con. 1890 - early. 1900s (the so-called neo-populism) is associated with the activities of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. From 1879 to 1883 more than 70 trials of populists took place in Russia, in which more than 2 thousand people were involved. N.P.

"GOING TO THE PEOPLE" - a mass movement of raznochinny youth in the middle. 1870s Raznochintsy intellectuals tried to infiltrate the people's environment in order to educate the peasants, propagate socialist ideas and agitate for the revolutionary overthrow of the autocratic system.

Even A. I. Yeertsen called on Russian revolutionaries to go "to the people." Later, P. L. Lavrov set the task of propaganda and educational work among the peasants. M. A. Bakunin called the peasants to a direct revolt against the autocratic power.

The revolutionary-minded youth readily responded to these calls. The movement peaked in 1873–1874. Having mastered the professions of teachers, doctors, craftsmen, etc. young people moved from St. Petersburg and Moscow to the countryside. The Narodniks carried out propaganda in more than 37 provinces of European Russia. The "Lavrists" were waiting for a concrete result of their activity - a revolutionary uprising - in 2-3 years, and the "Bakuninists" - "in the spring" or "in the autumn". But the peasants did not perceive the revolutionary calls, and the propagandists themselves aroused suspicion in them. The intellectual, "bookish" faith of the Narodniks in the "ideal peasant" who was ready to abandon his land, farm, family, and at the first call to attack the tsar and landowners with an ax, collided with the harsh reality of peasant life. The populists were shocked that the peasants were increasingly turning them over to the police.

Already in 1873, arrests began, and in 1874 they became widespread.

Members of the "Land and Freedom" began to arrange their settlements "among the people" in order to continue propaganda for the revolution and not attract the attention of the police. October 1877-January 1878. in the Special Presence of the Senate, the “Case of Revolutionary Propaganda in the Empire” was heard, which went down in history as the “trial of the 193s” over the most dangerous, from the point of view of the investigation, participants in “going to the people”. It was the largest political trial in history. tsarist Russia. 28 people were sentenced to hard labor, more than 70 to imprisonment or administrative exile, but 90 defendants were acquitted. However, Alexander II sent into exile 80 of those justified.

To con. 1870s propaganda work in the countryside gradually ceased. After the split of the "Land and Freedom" in 1879, propaganda among the people was considered necessary only by the organization "Black Redistribution" ("village workers"), but even it was to the end. 1881 ceased to exist. V. G.

"LAND AND WILL" (1861-1864) - a revolutionary populist organization that took shape in the beginning. 60s 19th century in St. Petersburg around N. G. Chernyshevsky.

The organization "Land and Freedom" was headed by N. A. Serno-Solovyevich. The political program of Land and Freedom was very general and vague. The populists saw their task in saving the people from the consequences of the reform of 1861. They demanded that all the land that they had used before the abolition of serfdom be transferred to the peasants. They believed that after the overthrow of tsarism, the land would pass into the hands of the peasants, who were accustomed to living in a community, and they would begin to build a just society. The organization was engaged in issuing revolutionary proclamations addressed to various social strata of Russia. One of them, “Bow to the lordly peasants from their well-wishers,” fell into the hands of a government agent. N. G. Chernyshevsky was accused of writing it.

In 1862, N. G. Chernyshevsky and N. A. Serno-Solovyevich were arrested. The organization was led by inexperienced students. They counted on the peasant revolution, which, in their opinion, was to take place in 1863.

When they realized that their hopes were in vain, the organization dissolved itself in 1864. I.V.

ANARCHISM (from Greek anarchia - anarchy, anarchy) - a socio-political trend, whose supporters denied external coercion in relation to a person and, consequently, the state as a form of organization of society based on coercion. In Russia, anarchism was widespread in the middle. 19 - beg. 20th century

Anarchist theories developed in the 1940s and 1970s. 19th century Their social roots were in the outlook of peasants and townspeople, who lived in small, self-governing communities. These sections of the population were ready to cooperate with the authorities in matters that affected their immediate interests, primarily in organizing the protection of their rights, their land from external encroachments. To do this, they needed a "good ruler." On other issues, the community member did not allow the state to interfere in his affairs. Hence the well-known formula of "popular anarchism": "good ruler + will", that is, unlimited freedom of the individual.

Unlike "popular anarchism", anarchy theorists demanded the immediate destruction of any state, believed that the future society should be "a free association of free individuals."

The English thinker G. Godwin (1756-1836) is considered to be the founder of theoretical anarchism. In his Discourses on Political Justice, he dreamed of a society of free independent workers, criticized coercion and deceit in society, and opposed revolutionary violence.

M. Stirner (1806-1856) laid the foundations of individualistic anarchism, which affirmed the absolute priority of the individual over society. Stirner denied all forms of behavior and believed that the source of all morality is the strength and power of an individual, that the wishes and will of individuals are hidden behind any events in society.

The founder of the ideas of revolutionary communist anarchism was the Russian thinker and revolutionary M. A. Bakunin.

Russian anarchists advocated collectivism, in search of a social ideal, they turned to the life of the peasant community. They were uncompromising, categorical, demanded quick changes, called for revolution, and in this their views differed from those of anarchists abroad.

Many Russian populists of the 1960s and 1970s were influenced by Bakunin's works. 19th century, who participated in "going to the people". They tried to arouse in the peasantry rebellious moods against the authorities, they looked for the "primordial rebel" in the Russian peasant, called him "to the ax."

But the peasantry did not respond to the calls of the anarchists. Moreover, many revolutionary propagandists were handed over to the police by the peasants. The anarchists were disappointed in their own people, they had to revise their views and move on to direct terrorist actions. All this led to the fact that in con. 70s the influence of anarchism on the minds of Russian revolutionaries began to weaken.

Adapt the theory of anarchy to Russian reality at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. tried the Russian scientist and revolutionary P. I. Kropotkin. But this social trend was revived in Russia in the beginning. 20th century on a new level. The time of the highest rise of anarchism in Russia came at the time of the revolutionary events of 1917 and the Civil War. V. G.

BAKUNIN Mikhail Alexandrovich (05/18/1814-29/06/1876) - leader of the international revolutionary movement, one of the founders of revolutionary anarchism.

Bakunin was born in the Tver province into a well-born noble family. His father, Alexander Mikhailovich Bakunin, was the governor of Tver. At the age of 15, Bakunin entered the St. Petersburg Artillery School. After graduation, he received the rank of ensign, but soon retired. The following years, for the most part, he lived in Moscow, where he was engaged in philosophical self-education, studied the works of the German philosophers G. Hegel and I. Fichte. In the circle of N. V. Stankevich, he first seriously became acquainted with German classical philosophy. In the circle and among young people who were fond of philosophy, his authority was undeniable.

In 1840 Bakunin left for Germany to seriously study philosophy at the University of Berlin. There he became interested in politics and soon joined the socialist movement. Bakunin could not stay away from the revolution of 1848-1849, he fought on the barricades in Paris. During the Slavic congress in Prague in 1848, an uprising broke out, and Bakunin was one of its leaders. In May 1849, in Dresden, he was also at the head of the rebels. He was twice sentenced to death: first by the Saxon and then by the Austrian courts. The Austrians handed over Bakunin to the Russian authorities in 1851, and he spent 6 years in prison in Peter and Paul Fortress. In 1857 he was sent to an eternal settlement in Siberia, but after a while Bakunin fled from exile. After visiting Japan and America, he reappeared in Europe. Participated in the Polish uprising of 1863, tried to organize a secret alliance of socialist revolutionaries in Italy, participated in the uprising in the French city of Lyon.

In 1864, Bakunin joined the First International, but soon, due to ideological differences with K. Marx, he created his own organization, the International Alliance of Socialist Democracy, and this led to a split in the International. Bakunin accurately identified the most vulnerable points of Marxist theory and directed all the strength of his temperament to its criticism. Bakunin considered unfounded Marx's assertion that key role proletariat in society. He was especially negative about the idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat, believing that it would not lead to freedom. Bakunin was doubtful about K. Marx's desire to create a centralized and disciplined revolutionary organization. Bakunin hoped for a spontaneous popular revolt. He considered the Russian people initially a rebellious people. The intelligentsia, the “intellectual proletariat,” was called upon to wake him up.

Bakunin was the creator of the theory of anarchism, which denies the state. He rejected not management in general, but centralized management, concentrated in one hand, going "from top to bottom." He proposed to replace the power of the state with a federal free organization "from the bottom up" - workers' associations, groups, communities, volosts, regions and peoples. Bakunin believed that an ideal society is a society in which unlimited freedom and independence of a person from any power reigns. Only then can all the faculties of the individual be developed. A free society, according to Bakunin, is a society in which the principle of self-government of the people would be realized. In the 60-70s. 19th century Bakunin had many supporters in the European and Russian socialist movement.

In con. 60 - early 70s M. A. Bakunin paid much attention to the development of the revolutionary cause in Russia. He participated in the publication of the newspaper "Narodnoe delo", wrote revolutionary brochures and leaflets, collaborated with S. G. Nechaev. Bakunin hoped through Nechaev to spread the ideas of anarchism in Russia. At the same time, he led the activities of the "International Alliance of Socialist Democracy" and tried to contribute to the beginning socialist revolution in Europe.

Bakunin was an active, restless nature, but, despite this, his political activity suffered a complete collapse - he never managed to realize his ideals. In the last years of his life, he lived in Bern, Switzerland, completely retired, wrote memoirs and philosophical treatises. Buried in Bern. I.V.

Zhelyabov Andrey Ivanovich (1851-04/03/1881) - Russian revolutionary populist, member of the Executive Committee of the "Narodnaya Volya".

A. I. Zhelyabov was born in the Taurida province into a family of serfs. He graduated from the Kerch gymnasium and in 1869 entered the law faculty of the Novorossiysk University in Odessa. For participation in October 1871 in student unrest, he was expelled from the university, and then expelled from Odessa.

Returning to Odessa, in 1873-1874. he became a member of the Odessa group of "Chaikovites", who studied the works of K. Marx, conducted propaganda among the workers and the intelligentsia. He was tried in the "trial of the 193s" - the trial of the participants in the "going to the people." After the acquittal in 1878, Zhelyabov lived in the Podolsk province.

He believed that events were moving slowly and that it was necessary to make them develop faster, and that terror was needed to wake up the country, set society in motion. Zhelyabov participated in the Lipetsk Congress of Terrorist Politicians in June 1879. At the Voronezh Congress of Land and Freedom, he was accepted into the organization.

AI Zhelyabov acted as one of the main defenders of political terror. After the split of the "Land and Freedom", he proposed to create a "People's Will" - workers', students' and military organization. He participated in the creation of several of its most important policy documents, in the organization of numerous terrorist acts.

Zhelyabov was preparing an assassination attempt on Alexander II on March 1, 1881, but the day before, on February 27, he was arrested. He was convicted in the process of "March First" and executed along with other defendants. N.P.

ZASULICH Vera Ivanovna (1849-1919) - activist of the Russian revolutionary movement.

V. I. Zasulich was born in the village of Mikhailovka, Smolensk province, into a noble family. In 1867 she graduated from the boarding school and passed the teacher's examination. In 1868 she settled in St. Petersburg and participated in revolutionary circles. There she met S. G. Nechaev and gave him her address for sending letters. In 1869, she was arrested in connection with the Nechaev case. Zasulich spent two years in prison, then in exile in the Novgorod province, then lived under police supervision in Kharkov. Since 1875, she moved to an illegal position.

On January 24, 1878, Zasulich wounded the St. Petersburg mayor F. F. Trepov with a shot from a revolver. By shooting him, she was trying to draw public attention to the plight of political prisoners. The young terrorist got her way. Trial over Zasulich attracted a lot of public attention. Her defender at the trial was the famous lawyer A.F. Koni. Sensational was the decision of the jury to acquit the defendant and release her from custody.

The court acquitted V. I. Zasulich, but she, fearing arrest, went abroad. In 1879, she returned to Russia and joined the Black Redistribution group, which was engaged in revolutionary propaganda. In 1880, she again went abroad and was a representative of the "Narodnaya Volya". Later, Zasulich opposed terror as a tactic of the revolutionary struggle.

In 1883, together with G. V. Plekhanov, Zasulich participated in the creation of the first Marxist group, the Emancipation of Labor. She corresponded with K. Marx and F. Engels and translated their works into Russian, took part in the work of the Third International.

In 1899–1900 Zasulich was illegally in St. Petersburg, where she met V. I. Lenin. Since 1900, she was a member of the editorial board of the Iskra newspaper organized by Lenin. She participated in the creation of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP). In 1903, she joined the Mensheviks and became one of the leaders of Menshevism.

In con. In 1905 she returned to Russia and almost retired from political activity. Author of works on history, philosophy, literature, socio-political issues. V. G.

TKACHEV Petr Nikitich (06/29/1844-03/29/1885) - publicist, theorist of the "conspiratorial" trend in revolutionary populism.

P. N. Tkachev was born into a small estate noble family in the village. Sivtsevo, Pskov province. Without completing his studies at the gymnasium, in 1861 he entered the law faculty of St. Petersburg University. A few days after the start of classes, he was arrested for participating in student unrest, but was soon released on bail by his mother. In 1862–1865 he was arrested several times in connection with the activities of underground political organizations.

Since 1868, P. N. Tkachev collaborated with S. G. Nechaev and tried to prepare a popular uprising against the autocracy. In 1868, he passed the exams externally for full course Faculty of Law of the University and defended a dissertation for degree candidate of law. In 1869 he was arrested, and in 1871, after a two-year investigation in connection with the case of S. G. Nechaev, he was sentenced to imprisonment with subsequent exile to Siberia. Later, the exile was replaced by deportation to the city of Velikiye Luki under police supervision.

In 1873 Tkachev fled abroad. In Zurich (Switzerland), he worked for some time in the editorial office of the Vperyod! magazine, which was edited by P. L. Lavrov. Soon they had fundamental disagreements. Since 1875, P. N. Tkachev, first in Geneva, and then in London, published the Nabat magazine. In his articles, he substantiated the tactics of immediate revolutionary action, including terror, in order to prepare political revolution. Tkachev believed that the revolution is the seizure of power and the establishment of the dictatorship of the "revolutionary minority", and this requires the organization of revolutionary forces. In his opinion, the victorious revolutionary government will have to transform the economic structure of society in the spirit of communal socialism. These guidelines guided the revolutionary organization Narodnaya Volya.

In 1878 Tkachev moved to Paris, and in 1880 he moved the journal's printing house to Russia. He developed plans for an illegal move to his homeland to organize an armed struggle against the autocracy. But after the assassination of Alexander II by Narodnaya Volya, police supervision sharply increased and Tkachev could not carry out his plans.

From 1882, Tkachev's health began to deteriorate rapidly, and in 1885 he died in Paris in a psychiatric hospital.

P. N. Tkachev went down in Russian history as a representative of “Blanquisism”, a movement named after L. O. Blanqui, a French utopian who developed the doctrine of seizing power through a political conspiracy. V. G.

KARAKOZOV Dmitry Vladimirovich (10/23/1840-09/03/1866) - a populist terrorist who made the first attempt on the life of Emperor Alexander II.

DV Karakozov was born into a family of poor nobles. He studied at Kazan, then Moscow universities. In 1865, he became a member of a secret society organized by N. A. Ishutin, his cousin, and was a member of the conspiratorial circle "Hell". Its members - mortuses (suicide bombers) were preparing to commit terrorist acts.

At the end of March 1866, Karakozov secretly left Moscow for St. Petersburg. April 4, 1866, when Alexander II finished his walk in summer garden, Karakozov left the crowd, went up to the king and shot him with a double-barreled pistol. Alexander II was not injured. Karakozov's second shot failed. He was seized by the gendarmes and some of the onlookers. Karakozov had poison with him, but he did not have time to use it.

During the investigation into the Karakozov case, Ishutin's entire organization was exposed and destroyed. By June 12, 1866, the investigation was over. Karakozov was sentenced to deprivation of all rights of the state and to death by hanging. On September 3, 1866, he was executed. V. G.

PEROVSKAYA Sofya Lvovna (09/01/1853-04/03/1881) - revolutionary populist, terrorist, one of the organizers of the assassination of Emperor Alexander II.

S. L. Perovskaya was born in St. Petersburg in the family of the Pskov vice-governor L. N. Perovsky. In 1870, she left home, began working in women's populist circles, as well as in the Chaikovtsy circle, where at first they were engaged in self-education, and then moved on to the study of Marxism. In the spring of 1873, Perovskaya passed the exams for the title of people's teacher. In January 1874, Perovskaya was arrested, but after six months of imprisonment she was released on bail by her father for lack of serious evidence.

In 1877, the police involved her in the “trial of the 193s” (over the participants in the “going to the people” in 1874), but due to the lack of accusatory materials, she was again released. In 1878, Perovskaya was again arrested and sent into exile in Olonets province. On the way, she fled from the sleeping gendarmes and arrived in St. Petersburg. Here Perovskaya joined the revolutionary organization "Land and Freedom" and went underground. In the autumn of 1879, Land and Freedom split into Narodnaya Volya and Cherny Repartition. Perovskaya began to help the Narodnaya Volya terrorists, actively participated in the failed assassination attempt on Alexander II on November 19, 1879. In 1880, together with other Narodnaya Volya members, she prepared to blow up the royal train near Odessa, but the attempt failed. In 1881, Perovskaya took over the leadership in preparing the seventh assassination attempt on Alexander II. On the day of the assassination of the tsar, March 1, 1881, she placed all the participants in the assassination in the places determined by her, and at her signal they threw bombs at Alexander II. The king died in agony.

March 10, 1881 Perovskaya was arrested on the street. On April 3, 1881, by the verdict of the Governing Senate, she was executed along with other active participants in the assassination of the king. V. G.

ALEKSEEV Petr Alekseevich (14.01.1849–1891) – worker, leader of the revolutionary movement.

The first years of his life he lived in a family of peasants in the Smolensk province. From the age of ten he worked in Moscow factories, in 1872 he moved to St. Petersburg. There he became close to the revolutionary populists and went to propagate populist ideas among the peasants of the Smolensk region, called for a peasant revolution that would give them "land and freedom."

After the failure of "going to the people", he took an active part in the "All-Russian Social Revolutionary Organization". In April 1875, Alekseev was arrested for t. and. process 50 March 9, 1877 delivered a revolutionary speech that received a warm public response. Sentenced to 10 years of hard labor, and after it - to a settlement in the north of Yakutia.

By official version killed by robbers. V. G.

RUSSIAN SECTION OF THE I INTERNATIONAL - an organization of Russian revolutionary populists who were in exile.

The Russian section took shape in Geneva at the beginning. 1870, from among the representatives of t. and. "young emigration" of the 60s. The organization included M. A. Bakunin, N. I. Utin, A. Trusov, the Bertenevs, E. Dmitrieva-Tomanovskaya, A. Korvin-Krukovskaya, and others. The organization aimed to link the Russian liberation movement with the European one.

In 1868, the Russian Section published the 1st issue of the journal Narodnoye Delo, which was created by Bakunin, Utin and others. Bakunin propagated his anarchist views through the journal, with which Utin did not agree. There was a split in the editorial office. M. A. Bakunin withdrew from its membership. "People's Affairs" remained the organ of the Russian section. On March 12, 1870, N. I. Utin, together with his like-minded people, sent a letter to London, to the General Council of the International. In a letter, they announced the creation of their organization and asked K. Marx to become its corresponding secretary in the General Council of the International. K. Marx announced the admission of the Russian section to the International and agreed to represent its interests in the General Council.

The views of the members of the Russian Section were not Marxist. They saw no fundamental difference between the movements of the proletariat headed by the International and the popular movements in Russia and denied Marx's teaching on the dictatorship of the proletariat. They believed that Russia could bypass the capitalist stage of development and pass directly to socialism through communal traditions. The Russian section promoted the ideas of the International in Russia. The magazine "Narodnoe delo" was read by raznochinny youth in major cities Russia.

The Russian section existed until the dissolution of the First International in 1872. V. G.

LAND AND WILL (1876–1879) is a revolutionary populist organization.

The founders of the organization were M. A. Natanson, A. D. Mikhailov, G. V. Plekhanov and others. Later, V. N. Figner, S. L. Perovskaya, N. A. Morozov, S. M. Kravchinsky.

The ultimate goal of Land and Freedom was to overthrow the monarchy in Russia and build a social republic based on the self-government of peasant communities and workers' associations in the cities.

The members of the organization considered propaganda work in the village to be the main direction of their activity. They became the initiators of "going to the people." The intelligentsia: doctors, teachers, clerks - had to move to the countryside and prepare the people for the revolution. But the majority of the Narodniks, having moved to the countryside, were never able to achieve tangible success.

As a result, discussions began in Land and Freedom about the advisability of further work in the countryside and the need for a transition to individual terror as the main method of activity.

Within the “Land and Liberty” a group stood out, whose duties included protecting the organization from provocateurs and preparing assassination attempts on the most cruel officials. A group of 10–15 people from March 1878 to April 1879 held a series of high-profile assassination attempts. V. Zasulich seriously wounded the mayor of St. Petersburg Trepov. S. Kravchinsky in broad daylight stabbed the chief of the gendarmes Mezentsev with a knife. V. Osinsky in Kyiv shot at the deputy prosecutor. G. Popko killed a gendarmerie colonel for the expulsion of revolutionary students. In 1879, A. K. Soloviev made an attempt on the life of Alexander II on the Palace Square in St. Petersburg.

In the summer of 1879, at the Voronezh Congress, "Land and Freedom" split into "propagandists" and "politicians" (terrorists) and ceased to exist as a single organization.

Two new organizations arose: Black Redistribution, whose members continued to engage in propaganda work, and Narodnaya Volya, which headed for terrorist activities. I.V.

"BLACK REDISTION", the party of socialist-federalists - a revolutionary populist organization in Russia at the beginning. 1880s

It arose in August-September 1879. After the split of the "Land and Freedom", 16 "village workers", supporters of "going to the people", formed their own organization - "Black Redistribution". This name of the organization was given because among the peasants there were rumors about the imminent general - "black" - redistribution of land. According to their worldview, the members of the organization were close to Bakuninism, which was expressed in its official name - socialist-federalists.

Initially, the members of the organization shared the Land and Freedom program, denied the need for political struggle, and did not accept the terrorist and conspiratorial tactics of the People's Will. They believed that only the people could make a revolution, and they were supporters of extensive agitation and propaganda among the masses.

The organizers of the Central circle of the "Black Repartition" in St. Petersburg were G. V. Plekhanov, P. B. Axelrod, O. V. Aptekman, M. R. Popov, L. G. Deich, V. I. Zasulich and others. printing house, organized the publication of the magazine "Cherny Peredel" and the newspaper "Grain". By 1880, changes had taken place in the Black Redistribution program: its members recognized the importance of the struggle for political freedoms and the need for terror as a means of revolutionary struggle.

Soon, in 1880-1881, arrests began, which weakened the organization, and by the end. 1881 "Black Repartition" ceased to exist as an organization. N.P.

"PEOPLE'S WILL" 1879-1881 - revolutionary terrorist organization. "Narodnaya Volya" was formed in the summer of 1879 after the split of the "Land and Freedom" and united the supporters of individual terror.

At the head of the organization "Narodnaya Volya" was the Executive Committee, which included A. D. Mikhailov, A. I. Zhelyabov, S. L. Perovskaya, N. A. Morozov, V. N. Figner, M. F. Frolenko and other "Narodnaya Volya" was different high level organizations and conspiracies. It contained approx. 500 people, she had her cells in many major cities of the country, in the army and navy. The Narodnaya Volya did not deny the need to "go to the people" and continue agitation in the countryside, but they relied on a terrorist fight against the government. The murders of the most influential representatives of power, according to the beliefs of the Narodnaya Volya, were supposed to stir up the masses.

The main goal of the Narodnaya Volya was the overthrow of the autocracy. Then they planned to call constituent Assembly to carry out social reforms, to endow citizens with democratic rights and freedoms.

According to the revolutionaries, Emperor Alexander II stood in the way of implementing their plans, so it was his people who decided to eliminate him. Two assassination attempts - in Ukraine and in Moscow - did not achieve their goals. On February 5, 1880, an explosion occurred in the Winter Palace (the organizer of the assassination attempt was S. N. Khalturin). By a lucky chance, the emperor survived, but 10 people died from the explosion, 53 people were injured.

Then the leaders of the Executive Committee of the "Narodnaya Volya" planned a new explosion - on the Stone Bridge of the Catherine Canal. The operation was prepared by A. I. Zhelyabov. The emperor was constantly monitored, the routes of his trips were found out. On the embankment of the Catherine Canal, the emperor was mortally wounded by a bomb thrown by I. Grinevitsky, a member of the People's Will, and died nine hours after the explosion. The assassination of Alexander II was the last success of the "Narodnaya Volya". Almost all members of its Executive Committee were arrested. A. I. Zhelyabov, S. L. Perovskaya, A. D. Mikhailov, N. I. Kibalchich, N. I. Rysakov, who were preparing the assassination attempt, were hanged in April 1881.

Contrary to the expectations of the revolutionaries, the regicide did not cause peasant uprising. On the contrary, the people pitied the emperor. All the efforts of the Narodnaya Volya, aimed at organizing a political coup, were in vain. The tactics of individual terror, on which the Narodnaya Volya had high hopes, turned out to be a dead end. I.V.

SOUTHERN RUSSIAN UNION OF WORKERS (1875) - the first political revolutionary labor organization in Russia.

The organization was created in Odessa in July 1875 by the revolutionary E. O. Zaslavsky.

It included working circles of several factories. In the charter of the Union, which Zaslavsky drew up under the influence of the First International, the main goal was proclaimed the violent overthrow of the political system of the country, the destruction of the privileges of the exploiting classes. However, the statutes said nothing about the special mission of the proletariat in the struggle for a just social order. As a populist, Zaslavsky viewed the proletariat as part of the working and exploited people. Unlike other programs of the Narodniks, the charter of the Union spoke of the need for political struggle.

The core of the organization consisted of 60 members, around which approx. 200 people. The Assembly of Deputies became the highest governing body. Contacts were established with the workers of Kharkov, Taganrog, Rostov-on-Don, Orel and Petersburg. Members of the Union acquainted the workers with illegal literature and involved them in labor movement new participants, they organized two strikes.

In December 1875, as a result of betrayal, the Union was crushed by the police, and its leaders were put on trial. Zaslavsky, sentenced to 10 years of hard labor, died in prison of tuberculosis. V. G.

THE NORTHERN UNION OF RUSSIAN WORKERS (1878–1880) is one of the first revolutionary proletarian organizations in Russia.

The Northern Union of Russian Workers was created in St. Petersburg on December 30, 1878. It was founded by the locksmith V. I. Obnorsky and the carpenter S. N. Khalturin. The program of the Northern Union came out illegally as a leaflet called "To the Russian Workers." The main goal of the Northern Union was the overthrow of "the existing political and economic system of the state as extremely unjust", the creation of a "free people's federation of communities", the elimination of private ownership of the means of production. The Northern Union considered it necessary to introduce freedom of speech, press, assembly, and the elimination of political investigation. He raised the question of creating an all-Russian organization of workers. Provided for the destruction of estates and the introduction of compulsory and free education in all types educational institutions. The demands also included the restriction of the working day, the prohibition of child labor. In the program, the tasks of the Northern Union echoed the tasks of the First International, which proclaimed the solidarity of the workers of all countries.

The northern union consisted of about 200 people, the same number of sympathizers. Only workers were admitted to it. The basis of the organization was workers' circles, which united into branches. At the head of the branches were administrative committees, endowed with the right to take independent solutions. Of the practical actions of the Northern Union, the participation in the strike at the New Paper Spinning Mill in 1879 is best known. The Northern Union tried to organize the publication of the illegal newspaper Rabochaya Zarya, but only one issue was published in 1880.

The police dealt the first blows to the Northern Union at the beginning of 1879, when some of its leaders were arrested, including V. Obnorsky. S. N. Khalturin was carried away by the terrorist activities of the Narodnaya Volya and gradually retired from work in the organization. The activities of the Northern Union in 1880 gradually ceased. V. G.

SECURITY DEPARTMENT - local body of political investigation.

Security departments were created in St. Petersburg in 1866, then in Moscow and Warsaw in 1880. Initially, it was called the “Department for the Protection of Public Security and Order”, since 1903 - the Security Department, and among the people - simply “Okhranka”. Security departments existed until February 1917.

Formally, the security departments were part of the offices of police chiefs and mayors, but they retained the rights of completely independent institutions, since they were directly subordinate to the Police Department. The main task of the security departments was to search for revolutionary organizations and individual revolutionaries. Arrests and cases based on materials collected by the Okhrana were conducted by the provincial gendarme department.

The security departments had extensive special agents. External surveillance was carried out by fillers. "In the surveyed environment" there were also secret agents: informers and provocateurs who participated in the activities of revolutionary organizations and often failed them.

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49. PUBLIC MOVEMENTS OF THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX CENTURY. CONSERVATIVES AND LIBERALS The era of reforms of the 60s. 19th century changed the course of social and political thought in Russia. With the abolition of serfdom, a fundamentally new society arose in the country, based on the formal equality of people.

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Alexander II Nikolaevich

He went down in Russian history as a conductor of large-scale reforms. He was awarded a special epithet in Russian pre-revolutionary historiography - in connection with the abolition of serfdom (according to the manifesto of February 19, 1861).

Peasant movement

Peasant movement since the late 50s. fueled by constant rumors about the impending release. If in 1851-1855. there were 287 peasant unrest, then in 1856-1859. - 1341.

The greatest number of unrest falls on March - July 1861, when the disobedience of the peasants was registered in 1176 estates. In 337 estates, military commands were used to pacify the peasants. The largest clashes occurred in the Penza and Kazan provinces. In 1862-1863. the wave of peasant uprisings noticeably subsided. In 1864 open disturbances of peasants were registered only in 75 estates.

Since the mid 70s. the peasant movement again begins to gain strength under the influence of land scarcity, the severity of payments and duties. The consequences of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878 also affected, and in 1879-1880. the poor harvest caused famine. The number of peasant unrest grew mainly in the central, eastern and southern provinces. The unrest among the peasants was intensified by the rumors about the impending new redistribution of land. Meanwhile, in its agrarian policy, the government tried to regulate peasant life preserve its patriarchal way of life. After the abolition of serfdom, the process of disintegration of the peasant family proceeded rapidly, and the number of family divisions grew.

liberal movement

liberal movement late 50s - early 60s. was the widest and had many different shades. But one way or another, the liberals advocated the peaceful establishment of constitutional forms of government, political and civil freedoms, and the enlightenment of the people.

A peculiar phenomenon of Russian liberalism was the position of the Tver provincial nobility, which, even during the preparation and discussion of the peasant reform, came up with a constitutional project. And in 1862 Tver noble assembly recognized the unsatisfactoriness of the "Regulations of February 19", the need for the immediate redemption of peasant allotments with the help of the state.

The liberal movement as a whole was much more moderate than the demands of the Tver nobility and focused on the introduction of a constitutional order in Russia as a distant prospect.

In an effort to go beyond local interests and associations, liberal leaders spent in the late 70s. several all-zemstvo congresses, to which the government reacted rather neutrally.

In the conditions of the political crisis at the turn of the 50s - 60s. stepped up their activities revolutionary democrats - radical wing of the opposition. The ideological center of this trend has been since 1859 the journal Sovremennik, which was led by H.G.Chernyshevsky and Ya.A. Dobrolyubov (1836-1861).

Strengthening peasant unrest during the period of the reform. The year 1861 instilled in the leaders of the radical direction the hope that a peasant revolution in Russia would be possible. The revolutionary democrats distributed leaflets that called on the peasants, young students, and soldiers to prepare for the fight.

In late 1861 - early 1862, a group of revolutionary populists created the first conspiratorial revolutionary organization of all-Russian significance after the defeat of the Decembrists. Her inspirers were Herzen and Chernyshevsky. The organization was named Land and freedom. She was engaged in the distribution of illegal literature, led the preparations for the uprising, scheduled for 1863.

In the middle of 1862, the government, having enlisted the support of the liberals, launched a broad repressive campaign against the revolutionary democrats. Sovremennik was closed (until 1863). Recognized leaders of the radicals - N.G. Chernyshevsky, N.A. Serno-Solovyevich and D.I. Pisarev were arrested.

After the arrest of its leaders and the failure of plans for an armed uprising, prepared by the branches of "Land and Freedom" in the Volga region, its Central People's Committee in the spring of 1864 decided to suspend the activities of the organization.

In the 60s. on the wave of rejection of the existing order, the ideology of nihilism. Denying philosophy, art, morality, religion, the nihilists called themselves materialists and preached "selfishness based on reason".

At the same time, under the influence of socialist ideas, the novel by N.G. Chernyshevsky “What to do?” (1862), artels, workshops, communes arose, hoping to prepare the socialist transformation of society through the development of collective labor. Having failed, they disintegrated or switched to illegal activities.

In the 70s. there were several close currents of utopian socialism, called " populism." The Narodniks believed that thanks to the peasant community and the qualities of the communal peasant, Russia would be able to cross directly. to the socialist system. The views of the theoreticians of populism (M.A. Bakunin, P.N. Tkachev) differed in questions of tactics, but they all saw the main obstacle to socialism in state power and believed that a secret organization, revolutionary leaders should raise the people to revolt and lead them to victory.

In the spring of 1874, thousands of members of populist organizations went to the villages. Most of them aimed at the speedy preparation of a peasant uprising. They gathered gatherings, spoke about the oppression of the people, called "to disobey the authorities. "Going to the people" continued for several years and covered more than 50 provinces of Russia.

A.A. Kvyatkovsky, N.N. Kolodkevich, A.D. Mikhailov, N.A. Morozov, S.L. Perovskaya, V.N. Figner, M.F. Frolenko in 1879, hoping to cause a political crisis and raise the people, committed a number of terrorist acts. The death sentence for Alexander II was passed by the Executive Committee of the "Narodnaya Volya" in August 1879. After several unsuccessful assassination attempts March 1, 1881 in St. Petersburg, Alexander II was mortally wounded by a bomb thrown by I.I. Grinevitsky.

Social movement

Democratization of the system of public education, the emergence a large number specialists from higher education from nobles and raznochintsy significantly expanded the circle intelligentsia. This is a small stratum of society, closely associated with social groups professionally engaged in mental work (intellectuals), but does not merge with them. Distinctive features of the intelligentsia were high ideological commitment and a principled focus on actively opposing traditional state principles, based on a rather peculiar perception of Western ideas.

December 3, 1855 was closed the Supreme Censorship Committee, about weakened censorship rules.

Polish uprising of 1863

In 1860-1861. a wave of mass demonstrations commemorated the anniversary of the uprising of 1830 swept throughout the Kingdom of Poland. Martial law was introduced in Poland, mass arrests were carried out. At the same time, certain concessions were made: the State Council was restored, the university in Warsaw was reopened, etc. In this situation, secret youth circles arose, calling on the urban strata of the population to an armed uprising.Polish society was divided into two parties.The supporters of the uprising were called "Reds". The "Whites" - the landowners and the big bourgeoisie - hoped to achieve the restoration of an independent Poland by diplomatic means.

The uprising in Poland broke out on January 22, 1863. Immediate reason was the decision of the authorities to conduct in mid-January 1863 in Polish cities and towns, according to previously prepared lists, a recruitment of persons suspected of revolutionary activity. The Central Committee of the "Reds" decided on an immediate action. Military operations developed spontaneously. The “whites”, who soon came to lead the uprising, relied on the support of the Western European powers. Despite the note from England and France demanding an end to the bloodshed in Poland, the suppression of the uprising continued. Prussia supported Russia. Russian troops under the command of General F.F. Berg entered the fight against the rebel groups in Poland. In Lithuania and Belarus, the troops were led by the Vilna Governor-General M.N. Muravyov ("The Hanger").

On March 1, Alexander II canceled the temporarily obligated relations of peasants, reduced quitrent payments by 2.0% in Lithuania, Belarus and Western Ukraine. Taking as a basis the agrarian decrees of the Polish rebels, the government announced a land reform during the hostilities. Having lost the support of the peasantry as a result, the Polish uprising by the autumn of 1864 suffered a final defeat.

labor movement

labor movement 60s was not significant. Cases of passive resistance and protest prevailed - filing complaints or simply fleeing the factories. Due to serf traditions and the absence of special labor legislation, a strict regime of exploitation of hired labor was established. The usual demand was to reduce fines, increase wages, improvement of working conditions. From the 70s. labor movement is gradually increasing. Along with unrest, not accompanied by the cessation of work, the filing of collective complaints.

Unlike the peasant labor movement was more organized. The activities of the Narodniks played a significant role in the creation of the first workers' circles. Already in 1875. under the direction of former student E.O. Zaslavsky in Odessa arose " South Russian Union of Workers" (crushed by the authorities at the end of the same year). The unions carried out propaganda among the workers and set as their goal a revolutionary struggle "against the existing political and economic system."

The industrial crisis of the early 80s. and the depression that followed it created massive unemployment and poverty. The owners of enterprises widely practiced mass layoffs, lowering rates for work, increasing fines, and the working and living conditions of workers worsened. Cheap female and child labor was widely used. There were no restrictions on working hours. There was no labor protection. leading to an increase in accidents. At the same time, there were no injury benefits or workers' insurance.

Economic strikes and labor unrest in the early 1980s. generally did not go beyond individual enterprises. played an important role in the development of the mass labor movement strike at the Nikolskaya Morozov Manufactory (Orekhovv-Zuevo) in January 1885 it was attended by about 8 thousand people. The strike was prearranged. The workers made demands not only to the owner of the enterprise, but also to the government. The government took measures to stop the strike and at the same time put pressure on the owners of the manufactory, seeking to satisfy individual workers' demands and prevent future unrest.

Under the influence of the Morozov strike, the government adopted 3 June 1885 law" On the Supervision of Establishments in the Factory Industry and on mutual relations manufacturers and workers. The law partly regulated the procedure for hiring and firing workers, somewhat streamlined the system of fines, and established penalties for participation in strikes.

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teacher actions.	Student actions.
- When and why did the social movement become more active?	-After the uprising of the Decembrists regarding the limitation of the power of the king and the abolition of serfdom.
-What directions emerged in the social movement in 30-50 years. XIX century in Russia?	- Conservative, liberal, revolutionary.
-What are the goals of each direction?	-The goal of the conservative movement - security existing order and state power. The liberal movement believed that the transformation in the country should go through the reforms carried out by the government. Radical changes in a country can only come about through a revolution.
-Remember what criteria underlie the model of social movement in Russia in the first half of the 19th century?	- We have identified three criteria: political directions, ways of solving problems, ideologies.

What has changed in the liberal movement?	- The liberal movement has become more active; They are in favor of further reforms with the aim of expanding local self-government bodies; Establishment of democratic freedoms in the country; The social base is the bourgeois strata of the nobility; Ideology - zemstvo liberalism.
Read section 2 of the paragraph. What has changed in the conservative movement?	- The conservative movement has become heterogeneous; A conservative-liberal wing emerged; The social base is the large landed nobility, government officials; Ideology is the theory of official nationality.
Read section 3 of the paragraph. What has changed in the revolutionary movement?	- Social base - intelligence, raznochintsy, workers; - ideology - populism; the task is to prepare the socialist revolution through propaganda.
Let's summarize: What's new in the social movement?	- An ideology has taken shape in every direction of the social movement; The social base of each direction was determined; Their activities have intensified.
What new criteria for evaluating a social movement can you single out?	- We can distinguish the following criteria - ideology, social base, form of activity.

Criteria.	conservative movement.	liberal movement	revolutionary movement.
1.Goals.	Protection of the existing order	Reforming public policy	Change the state order through revolution.
2.Ideology.	The theory of official nationality.	Zemsky liberalism.	Populism.
3. Ideologists.	S.S. Uvarov, M.N. Katkov.	N.K.Mikhailovsky, V.P.Vorontsov, S.N.Krivenko.	N.G. Chernyshevsky, P.N. Tkachev, P.N. Lavrov.
4. Social base.	Large landowners, government officials.	The bourgeois strata of the nobility, the intelligentsia.	Intelligentsia, raznochintsy, workers.
5. Forms of activity.	Establishment of a third department for the protection of order, the persecution of dissidents, censorship.	Submission of addresses in the name of the emperor, 1879 - a secret congress of supporters of liberal reform.	The activities of circles and secret societies, the activation of the labor movement.